by Nick Street
Who counts as a Christian conservative? What issues will drive rank-and-file “values voters” to the polls during the next presidential election? And do all voters who compose this chunk of the electorate—mainly evangelical or “born-again” Christians—value the same things equally?
Reading Newsweek's recent story on early handicapping of prospective GOP contenders by eminences of the religious right, you might be forgiven for finding yourself unable to answer these basic questions about Christians who also identify themselves as political conservatives. The magazine's follow-up feature—a slide-show profiling “Faces of the Religious Right”—only compounds the confusion. What gives?
The most obvious issue is lazy sourcing. Leaning on oft-quoted figures like Richard Land, head of the Southern Baptist Convention's Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission, and Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council, reinforces the mistaken assumption that evangelical Christianity isn't changing as a younger generation of born-again believers comes of age at a time of dire economic crisis. During and since the 2008 presidential campaign ABC News, the New York Times and Time magazine, among many other news outlets, coupled on-the-ground reporting with survey data from Pew and other polling organizations to show that younger evangelicals often avow a different set of political priorities than the older generation. As Newsweek's own Tony Dokoupil reported last year, while their personal sexual mores haven't changed dramatically, Christian Millennials tend to see poverty and economic inequality as more urgent political priorities than same-sex marriage or opposition to abortion.
Which points to another problem that hovered in the background of the feature story and moved to center stage in the slide-show: the differences in theological orientation and worldview that distinguish the sometimes overlapping factions of American Protestantism—conservative, evangelical, fundamentalist, Pentecostal, mainline and progressive—are essential to understanding trends among religious voters. But these delineations were nowhere to be found in Newsweek's muddled coverage. A modest bit of background reporting would have helpfully illuminated important distinctions and prevented the wrongheaded inclusion of not-so-conservative activists like Jim Wallis and Melissa Rogers in a roster of leaders on the religious right.
The inroads that Barack Obama managed to create among younger evangelical voters in 2008 were largely a consequence of his command of the kind of prophetic language that has devolved into shrillness in the political speech of old-guard conservative Christian activists like Land and Perkins (whose organization, Newsweek's reporter failed to note, was recently named a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center). Now that even members of Obama's own party have begun to murmur that he is not so much a visionary leader as a “negotiator-in-chief,” will those young religious conservatives gravitate toward a GOP candidate? Perhaps John Thune, whose potential candidacy Richard Flory examined recently? And will the continuing economic crisis heighten the importance of bread-and-butter issues among older evangelicals who have traditionally ranked sexual and social values as their foremost concerns at the voting booth? These are the kinds of questions that would be most helpful in a profile of the religious constituency that's likely to shape the upcoming election.
Reporters who choose to follow these leads should try to avoid those dog-eared entries in their Rolodexes. There's a reason it's called news.
Nick Street is the managing editor of TransMissions.